Nearly every chapter of the Old Testament is a treasure trove of wisdom and spiritual depth. But many Christians are unaware of its treasures, because they have never read it for themselves. In this unique set, Dr. John Currid gives readers the opportunity to catch a glimpse into God’s overarching plan for humanity through his revelation in the pages of these 66 books. Told in three distinct parts, these seven volumes explore the history behind God’s people, the truth that gives us hope through Jesus Christ, and what God desires to accomplish through us in our daily lives.”
Covering all of the Old Testament, Canon of the Old Testament explains how all of the different biblical books fit together in God’s revelation. Using a narrative approach to Scripture, this student-friendly book presents relevant teaching from each book or section and supplies commentary where necessary. The wide range of topics covered throughout the work focuses on issues such as theology, translational difficulties, historical context, and the means by which individual books have been canonized. A helpful appendix provides discussion questions for use in a group setting or for individual reflection on the author’s main points.
Canon of the old testament
The term canon, from a Hebrew-Greek word meaning “cane” or “measuring rod,” passed into Christian usage to mean “norm” or “rule of faith.” The Church Fathers of the 4th century CE first employed it in reference to the definitive, authoritative nature of the body of sacred Scripture.
The Hebrew canon
The Hebrew Bible is often known among Jews as TaNaKh, an acronym derived from the names of its three divisions: Torah (Instruction, or Law, also called the Pentateuch), Neviʾim (Prophets), and Ketuvim (Writings).
The Torah contains five books: Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy. The Neviʾim comprise eight books divided into the Former Prophets, containing the four historical works Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings, and the Latter Prophets, the oracular discourses of Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the Twelve (Minor—i.e., smaller) Prophets—Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi. The Twelve were all formerly written on a single scroll and thus reckoned as one book. The Ketuvim consist of religious poetry and wisdom literature—Psalms, Proverbs, and Job, a collection known as the Five Megillot (Five Scrolls; i.e., Song of Songs, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, and Esther, which have been grouped together according to the annual cycle of their public reading in the synagogue)—and the books of Daniel, Ezra and Nehemiah, and Chronicles.
The number of books
The number of books in the Hebrew canon is thus 24, referring to the sum of the separate scrolls on which these works were traditionally written in ancient times. This figure is first cited in II Esdras in a passage usually dated about 100 CE and is frequently mentioned in rabbinic (postbiblical) literature, but no authentic tradition exists to explain it. Josephus, a 1st-century-CE Jewish historian, and some of the Church Fathers, such as Origen (the great 3rd-century Alexandrian theologian), appear to have had a 22-book canon.
English Bibles list 39 books for the Old Testament because of the practice of bisecting Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles and of counting Ezra, Nehemiah, and the 12 Minor Prophets as separate books.
The tripartite canon
The threefold nature of the Hebrew Bible (the Law, the Prophets, and the Writings) is reflected in the literature of the period of the Second Temple (6th–1st century BCE) and soon after it. The earliest reference is that of the Jewish wisdom writer Ben Sira (flourished 180–175 BCE), who speaks of “the law of the Most High…the wisdom of all the ancients and…prophecies.” His grandson (c. 132 BCE), in the prologue to Ben Sira’s work, mentions “the law and the prophets and the others that followed them,” the latter also called “the other books of our fathers.” The same tripartite division finds expression in II Maccabees, the writings of Philo, a Hellenistic Jewish philosopher, and Josephus, a Hellenistic Jewish historian, as well as in the Gospel According to Luke. The tripartite canon represents the three historic stages in the growth of the canon.
The history of canonization
Because no explicit or reliable traditions concerning the criteria of canonicity, the canonizing authorities, the periods in which they lived, or the procedure adopted have been preserved, no more than a plausible reconstruction of the successive stages involved can be provided. First, it must be observed that sanctity and canonization are not synonymous terms. The first condition must have existed before the second could have been formally conferred. Next, the collection and organization of a number of sacred texts into a canonized corpus (body of writings) is quite a different problem from that of the growth and formation of the individual books themselves.
No longer are there compelling reasons to assume that the history of the canon must have commenced very late in Israel’s history, as was once accepted. The emergence in Mesopotamia, already in the second half of the 2nd millennium BCE, of a standardized body of literature arranged in a more or less fixed order and with some kind of official text, expresses the notion of a canon in its secular sense. Because Babylonian and Assyrian patterns frequently served as the models for imitation throughout the Middle East, sacred documents in Israel may well have been carefully stored in temples and palaces, particularly if they were used in connection with the cult or studied in the priestly or wisdom schools. The injunction to deposit the two tables of the Decalogue (Ten Commandments) inside the Ark of the Covenant and the book of the Torah beside it and the chance find of a book of the Torah in the Temple in 622 BCE tend to confirm the existence of such a practice in Israel.
The divisions of the TaNaKh
The history of the canonization of the Torah as a book must be distinguished from the process by which the heterogeneous components of the literature as such developed and were accepted as sacred.
The Book of the Chronicles, composed circa 400 BCE, frequently refers to the “Torah of Moses” and exhibits a familiarity with all five books of the Pentateuch. The earliest record of the reading of a “Torah book” is provided by the narrative describing the reformation instituted by King Josiah of Judah in 622 BCE following the fortuitous discovery of a “book of the Torah” during the renovation of the Temple. The reading of the book (probably Deuteronomy), followed by a national covenant ceremony, is generally interpreted as having constituted a formal act of canonization.
Between this date and 400 BCE the only other ceremony of Torah reading is that described in Nehemiah as having taken place at the autumnal New Year festival. The “book of the Torah of Moses” is mentioned and the emphasis is on its instruction and exposition. The Samaritans, the descendants of Israelites intermarried with foreigners in the old northern kingdom that fell in 722 BCE, became hostile to the Judaeans in the time of Ezra and Nehemiah (6th–5th century BCE). They would not likely have accepted the Torah—which they did, along with the tradition of its Mosaic origin—if it had only recently been canonized under the authority of their archenemies. The final redaction and canonization of the Torah book, therefore, most likely took place during the Babylonian Exile (6th–5th century BCE).
The model of the Pentateuch probably encouraged the assemblage and ordering of the literature of the prophets. The Exile of the Jews to Babylonia in 587/586 and the restoration half a century later enhanced the prestige of the prophets as national figures and aroused interest in the written records of their teachings. The canonization of the Neviʾim could not have taken place before the Samaritan schism that occurred during the time of Ezra and Nehemiah, since nothing of the prophetical literature was known to the Samaritans. On the other hand, the prophetic canon must have been closed by the time the Greeks had displaced the Persians as the rulers of Palestine in the late 4th century BCE. The exclusion of Daniel would otherwise be inexplicable, as would be the omission of Chronicles and Ezra-Nehemiah, even though they supplement and continue the narrative of the Former Prophets. Furthermore, the books of the Latter Prophets contain no hint of the downfall of the Persian empire and the rise of the Greeks, even though the succession of great powers in the East plays a major role in their theological interpretation of history. Their language, too, is entirely free of Grecisms.
These phenomena accord with the traditions of Josephus and rabbinic sources limiting the activities of the literary prophets to the Persian era.
That the formation of the Ketuvim as a corpus was not completed until a very late date is evidenced by the absence of a fixed name, or indeed any real name, for the third division of Scripture. Ben Sira refers to “the other books of our fathers,” “the rest of the books”; Philo speaks simply of “other writings” and Josephus of “the remaining books.” A widespread practice of entitling the entire Scriptures “the Torah and the Prophets” indicates a considerable hiatus between the canonization of the Prophets and the Ketuvim. Greek words are to be found in the Song of Songs and in Daniel, which also refers to the disintegration of the Greek empire of Alexander the Great. Ben Sira omits mention of Daniel and Esther. No fragments of Esther have turned up among the biblical scrolls (e.g., the Dead Sea Scrolls) from the Judaean desert. Rabbinic sources betray some hesitation about Esther and a decided ambivalence about the book of Ben Sira. A third-generation Babylonian amora (rabbinic interpretive scholar; plural amoraim) actually cites it as “Ketuvim,” as opposed to Torah and Prophets, and in the mid-2nd century CE the need to deny its canonicity and prohibit its reading was still felt. Differences of opinion also are recorded among the tannaim (rabbinic scholars of tradition who compiled the Mishna, or Oral Law) and amoraim (who created the Talmud, or Gemara) about the canonical status of Proverbs, Song of Songs, Ecclesiastes, and Esther.
All this indicates a prolonged state of fluidity with respect to the canonization of the Ketuvim. A synod at Jabneh (c. 100 CE) seems to have ruled on the matter, but it took a generation or two before their decisions came to be unanimously accepted and the Ketuvim regarded as being definitively closed. The destruction of the Jewish state in 70 CE, the breakdown of central authority, and the ever-widening Diaspora (collectively, Jews dispersed to foreign lands) all contributed to the urgent necessity of providing a closed and authoritative corpus of sacred Scripture.
The Samaritan canon
As has been mentioned, the Samaritans accepted the Pentateuch from the Jews. They knew of no other section of the Bible, however, and did not expand their Pentateuchal canon even by the inclusion of any strictly Samaritan compositions.
The Alexandrian canon
The Old Testament as it has come down in Greek translation from the Jews of Alexandria via the Christian church differs in many respects from the Hebrew Scriptures. The books of the second and third divisions have been redistributed and arranged according to categories of literature—history, poetry, wisdom, and prophecy. Esther and Daniel contain supplementary materials, and many noncanonical books, whether of Hebrew or Greek origin, have been interspersed with the canonical works. These extracanonical writings are I Esdras, the Wisdom of Solomon, Ecclesiasticus (Ben Sira), additions to Esther, Judith, Tobit, Baruch, the Epistle of Jeremiah, and additions to Daniel, as listed in the manuscript known as Codex Vaticanus (c. 350 CE). The sequence of the books varies, however, in the manuscripts and in the patristic and synodic lists of the Eastern and Western churches, some of which include other books as well, such as I and II Maccabees.
It should be noted that the contents and form of the inferred original Alexandrian Jewish canon cannot be ascertained with certainty, because all extant Greek Bibles are of Christian origin. The Jews of Alexandria may themselves have extended the canon they received from Palestine, or they may have inherited their traditions from Palestinian circles in which the additional books had already been regarded as canonical. It is equally possible that the additions to the Hebrew Scriptures in the Greek Bible are of Christian origin.
The canon at Qumrān
In the collection of manuscripts from the Judaean desert—discovered from the 1940s on—there are no lists of canonical works and no codices (manuscript volumes), only individual scrolls. For these reasons, nothing can be known with certainty about the contents and sequence of the canon of the Qumrān sectarians. Since fragments of all the books of the Hebrew Bible (except Esther) have been found, it may be assumed that this reflects the minimum extent of its canon. The situation is complicated by the presence in Qumrān of extracanonical works—some already known from the Apocrypha (so-called hidden books not accepted as canonical by Judaism or the church) and pseudepigrapha (books falsely ascribed to biblical authors) or from the Cairo Geniza (synagogue storeroom) and others entirely new. Some or all of these additional works may have been considered canonical by the members of the sect. It is significant, however, that, so far, pesharim (interpretations) have been found only on books of the traditional Hebrew canon. Still, the great Psalms scroll departs from the received Hebrew text in both sequence and contents. If the Psalms scroll were a canonical Psalter and not a liturgy, then evidence would indeed be forthcoming for the existence of a rival canon at Qumrān.
The Christian canon
The Christian church received its Bible from Greek-speaking Jews and found the majority of its early converts in the Hellenistic world. The Greek Bible of Alexandria thus became the official Bible of the Christian community, and the overwhelming number of quotations from the Hebrew Scriptures in the New Testament are derived from it. Whatever the origin of the apocryphal books in the canon of Alexandria, these became part of the Christian Scriptures, but there seems to have been no unanimity as to their exact canonical status. The New Testament itself does not cite the Apocryphal books directly, but occasional traces of a knowledge of them are to be found. The Apostolic Fathers (late 1st–early 2nd century) show extensive familiarity with this literature, but a list of the Old Testament books by Melito, bishop of Sardis in Asia Minor (2nd century), does not include the additional writings of the Greek Bible, and Origen (c. 185–c. 254) explicitly describes the Old Testament canon as comprising only 22 books.
From the time of Origen on, the Church Fathers who were familiar with Hebrew differentiated, theoretically at least, the apocryphal books from those of the Old Testament, though they used them freely. In the Syrian East, until the 7th century the church had only the books of the Hebrew canon with the addition of Ecclesiasticus, or the Wisdom of Jesus the son of Sira (but without Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah). It also incorporated the Wisdom of Solomon, Baruch, the Letter of Jeremiah, and the additions to Daniel. The 6th-century manuscript of the Peshitta (Syriac version) known as Codex Ambrosianus also has III and IV Maccabees, II (sometimes IV) Esdras, and Josephus’s Wars VII.
Early councils of the African church held at Hippo (393) and Carthage (397, 419) affirmed the use of the apocryphal books as Scripture. In the 4th century also, St. Athanasius, chief theologian of Christian orthodoxy, differentiated “canonical books” from both “those that are read” by Christians only and the “apocryphal books” rejected alike by Jews and Christians. In the preparation of a standard Latin version, the biblical scholar St. Jerome (c. 347–419/420) separated “canonical books” from “ecclesiastical books” (i.e., the apocryphal writings), which he regarded as good for spiritual edification but not authoritative Scripture. A contrary view of St. Augustine (354–430), one of the greatest Western theologians, prevailed, however, and the works remained in the Latin Vulgate version. The Decretum Gelasianum, a Latin document of uncertain authorship but recognized as reflecting the views of the Roman church at the beginning of the 6th century, includes Tobit, Judith, the Wisdom of Solomon, Ecclesiasticus, and I and II Maccabees as biblical.
Throughout the Middle Ages, the apocryphal books were generally regarded as Holy Scripture in the Roman and Greek churches, although theoretical doubts were raised from time to time. Thus, in 1333 Nicholas of Lyra, a French Franciscan theologian, discussed the differences between the Latin Vulgate and the “Hebrew truth.” Christian-Jewish polemics, the increasing attention to Hebrew studies, and, finally, the Reformation kept the issue of the Christian canon alive. Protestants denied Old Testament canonical status to all books not in the Hebrew Bible. The first modern vernacular Bible to segregate the disputed writings was a Dutch version by Jacob van Liesveldt (Antwerp, 1526). Martin Luther’s German edition of 1534 did the same thing and entitled them “Apocrypha” for the first time, noting that, while they were not in equal esteem with sacred Scriptures, they were edifying.